The relevance of the school governance body to the effective decolonisation of education in South Africa

Decolonisation of education is understood in this paper as a means of formalising indigenous culture and knowledge within the formal school system. The focus of this paper is to see how the School Governance Body (SGB) can bring about decolonised education for sustainable development. The African societal culture and traditions seem to be misunderstood and side-lined today because of the privilege enjoyed by western values in formal education used to develop African children. The involvement of people at the grass roots who are still endowed with vast knowledge on this cultural heritage should be considered as an option. The South African school system gave room for community participation in the administration and management of schools under the system of School Governing Bodies (SGBs). These bodies have the potential of being a good source of indigenous knowledge and culture to the school system that will make the education more relevant and functional; hence, leading to sustainable development, if it is properly planned and tapped into. For this to happen, there is the need to examine the relevance of the body through close analysis of its composition and strength to assist in the decolonisation of education. This study adopted an ethnography approach of qualitative research. Three rural-based Eastern Cape communities were used where 18 parents participated in the study. Data were gathered through key informant interviews (KII) and focus group discussions (FGD). One of the results is that traditional leaders are part of the SGB, which makes it a good source of indigenous knowledge and traditions. It was recommended that the composition of the members of SGBs should statutorily include a recognised knowledgeable individual (RKI) in the community to make the body a good source of indigenous knowledge.


Introduction
The concept of "decolonisation of education" in Africa has different meanings to different people that are calling for it.Some authors look at the meaning from the dictionary point of view by describing it as the process by which a nation becomes independent with regard to the acquisition of knowledge skills, values, beliefs and habits (Wingfield, 2017).Wingfield also presents the meaning of decolonised education as given by activist students in

N. Duku
South Africa, that is, as a process of overthrowing the existing system of education so that the people it is supposed to serve can redefine it for themselves.Evans (2016:1) also presents what student activists have described as decolonised education.These include the following: We study all these dead white men who presided over our oppression and we are made to use their thinking as a standard and as a point of departure.
Our own thinking as Africans has been undermined.We must have our own education from our own continent.
Decolonisation advances the interest of Africans instead of advancing Eurocentric interest.
The decolonisation of education has also been used to mean the process of rethinking about the whole structure of higher institutions of learning.According to this view, decolonisation refers to the process of tackling and dismantling the epistemic violence and hegemony of Eurocentrism, completely rethink, reframe and reconstruct the curriculum and place South Africa, Southern Africa and Africa at the centre of teaching, learning and research in African universities (Heleta, 2016).Others looked at decolonisation of education in Africa from the angle of what to teach and with what to teach.This is best exemplified in Brodie (2016) who sees decolonisation of education as the process of transforming the content of a school subject, that is, what is being taught to the learners.Vandenbosch (n.d.) also submits that another dimension to decolonise or contextualise education is by using environmental experiences as media through which the content of education is delivered to the learners.For Vandenbosch, this process will enable the learners to see the knowledge and skills acquired from western education as being relevant and appropriate to the immediate community and environment.
In the context of this study, decolonisation of education is understood as a means of formalising indigenous culture and knowledge by incorporating it into the formal school system.The meaning given to decolonisation in this paper, and the urgent call for it in all educational systems in Africa, is informed by the status of African culture, language, values, beliefs, norms, traditions and indigenous knowledge in African societies and around the world in general.The acceptance of western education, which came with its language and culture, has relegated or consigned cultural practices and languages in Africa to the background (Chinweizu, 2016;Wiles, 2016).It has gotten to a state whereby the mark of a well-educated African person is the ability to exhibit westernised culture in all aspects of his/her life and an inability to speak his mother tongue or exhibit any of the African cultural practices or beliefs (Salami, 2016).
The argument of this paper is not about whether western education is appropriate or otherwise for African children or whether or not to accept the knowledge from western or any part of the world.The thesis of this paper is that African cultural practices and indigenous knowledge should be injected into the education provided to African children.This is important if the meaning of education, as given by the sociologists, will be applicable to African society.For instance, Crossman (2017), quoting the view of Emile Durkheim on education, argues that education is the teaching, in an educational institution, of society's culture, including moral values, ethics, politics, religious beliefs, habits and norms.This seems the only antidote for the sustainable development of African societies and continuity of all the tribes and races therein.

Effects of educating African children with western culture
There is no doubt about the level of development and modernisation western education has brought to the shores of Africa.This paper considers the contribution of western education to the African continent to be huge and significant.However, after many years of independence of many African countries, there is a tendency in these decolonised African societies to cling tenaciously to the western culture at the expense of indigenous culture.This is contrary to what happened in China and India, countries that were also colonised by European countries.The saying: "Chinese and Indians accepted the knowledge and skills in European education and dumped their language and culture; Africans accepted the European language and culture and dumped the knowledge and skills in the western education" would thus seem to be a fact.Salami (2016) highlights the negative consequences of an overemphasis of western culture in the education of African children as denying children the knowledge of indigenous moral and social values; resulting in the cultural hybridisation of the children; extinction of indigenous dialects/languages, cultural practices and values and the reduction of children's pride and patriotism for their individual countries.Arowolo (2010), while discussing the social effects of exposing African children to western education, points to the fact that too much exposure of African children to western culture has destroyed the family structure and social relations in our society; developed individualism in the children; promoted urbanisation, corruption and the abuse of sexuality; destroyed indigenous languages and brought about cultural alterations.

School Governing Bodies in South Africa: Are the objectives enough to assist in decolonisation?
School governance is a feature of school leadership in schools worldwide.While there is considerable variation in the way school governance is defined, one could argue that within the South African context, school governance relates to, inter alia, part of the processes and systems by which a school operates.It also relates to the use of structures of authority and collaboration to allocate resources and coordinate or control activities linked to the management of the school.In this kind of school management, parents, educators and learners are drawn into partnership for the common purpose of the education of the learners.
When we place the school in its global context, we quickly realise that there is nothing inherently new about school governance; it has been a hallmark of school systems in other parts of the world for many years (Lemmer & Badenhorst, 1997).Involving the wider community in the school, including its decision-making processes, has been a central theme of social scientists for decades (Sadovnik, Cookson & Semel, 2001).However, within the South African school context, school governance is a relatively new practice.As Naidoo (2004) points out, the enactment of SASA in 1996 created the space for school governance in school leadership.
The South African Schools Act (SASA), No 84 of 1996, describes ideals for stakeholder participation in school governance, whereas school governance before 1994 used to be characterised by authoritarian and exclusive practices, in which black parents in school governance structures lacked a consultative and advisory role.The new policy requires broader and democratic participation by parents, teachers and learners in the life of the school through the medium of School Governing Bodies (SGBs).These are composed of teachers, non-teaching staff and parents, and in the case of secondary schools, learners (Mabasa & Themane, 2002).Amongst others, SASA provides for the establishment of SGBs with considerable powers at all public schools.A basic set of functions is stipulated for all SGBs and these are summarised in the School Governing Body Induction/Training Manual by the Province of the Eastern Cape Education (2012:40) as: The SGB should create an environment in which the learner can function optimally, in other words, the environment conducive to learning:

•
A healthy environment with an adequate water supply which is safe for drinking purposes and sufficient toilets which meet hygiene standards; • An environment where discipline is valued -this refers to a disciplinary code of behaviour, a code that has been developed by the SGB; • An environment where sound teaching is the order of the day -this refers to the appointment of competent educators, which is an important function of the SGB among others.
This governance model was designed to give schools greater autonomy to manage resources; determine the delivery of educational resources; democratise local control of education decision-making and respond to community needs.Amongst the benefits of community participation is teacher effectiveness, improvement of learner performance and the general sense of school ownership by the community (Boaduo, Milondzo & Adjei, 2009).
Significant studies have been conducted on school governance in South Africa (see Sayed & Soudien, 2005;Naidoo, 2004;Mncube, 2008;Heystek, 2010;Duma, 2013;Mavuso & Duku, 2014;Dibete, 2015).These, in general, address the challenges associated with school governance, as well as the micro-politics of the implementation of SASA in schools.There is a dearth of research studies on the relevance of SGBs towards, and involvement in the decolonisation of education in South Africa.The composition of SGB, which includes parents and community leaders, make it viable as a source of indigenous knowledge that can influence curriculum review to accommodate community knowledge, skills, culture and philosophies into the school system.The panaceas towards relevant and functional education that can bring about sustainable development of African societies are scarce in literature, if it is available at all.
The study that is close to the approach of this paper is Mabovula's (2008), which explores learner participation in schools in the Eastern Cape.Mabovula calls for the inclusion of African principles in the deliberations of democratic school governance and the participation of learners in particular.However, Mabovula does not explore deep cultural issues in participation.Yet, there is evidence that African culture, specifically traditional leadership and its principles influence rural local education, albeit in different and contested ways (Nelson Mandela Foundation, 2005).For instance, in the Eastern Cape Rural Education Survey, the Chief was ranked as having the most influence in schools (ibid).This is despite SASA's silence on the role of traditional leaders, African culture and tradition.
The studies that address culture, tradition and traditional leadership include Ntsebeza (2006).Ntsebeza notes that, despite the role of the traditional leaders during apartheid, the traditional leaders not only survived but also seem to have won unprecedented powers in rural South Africa.Both studies note the importance of African culture and traditional leadership in democratic South Africa and acknowledge the contradictions it brings.
Besides research studies, a closer examination of the functions of SGBs, as referred to earlier, also shows that the initial intention about this school stakeholders' forum excludes being a source of knowledge, wisdom, cultural values and traditions to the school.If the current school system is still colonised, as claimed by some authors, therefore, the functions of the SGBs can be summarised as being just to create an enabling environment on the African soil for hybridising African children.
Therefore, now that the call for decolonisation is loud and all hands are on deck to make this a success, it will not be out of point for a study to rethink and re-present an SGB as an organ that can not only make the decolonisation a reality.It should also make such decolonised education functional and context appropriate to the recipients.The idea of harnessing and utilising indigenous knowledge to fortify formal educational systems is not new in the educational system of a nation.Barnhardt and Kawagley (2005) report how this was done to enrich the school curriculum and enliven the learning experiences of students in Alaska.

Theoretical framework
Several educational theories and principles explain the relationship between socio-cultural milieu and the development of learners in school.Two such theories are the Ecological System Theory and the principle of Developmentally Appropriate Practices and these two will form the bedrock of this study.
Ecological System theory was propounded by Urie Bronfenbrenner in the year 1979 and states that as a child develops, the interaction within the environments becomes more complex and that this complexity can arise as the child's physical and cognitive structures grow and mature (Bronfenbrenner, 1986).This theory outlines how child development is explained by various socio-cultural milieu of the child, which are grouped into five systems namely microsystem, mesosytem, exosystem, macrosystem and chronosystem.This particular study leans on the fourth system as presented in this theory -the macrosystem.There have been several interpretations of this particular system by several other authors.For instance, Excell, Linington and Schaik (2015) submit that the macrosystem comprises those factors that are more distant from the child's specific world.This is described with such terms as cultural values, political philosophy and socio-economic status.Sincero (2017) submits that a macrosystem is the actual culture of an individual.That is, the cultural contexts involving the economic status, norms, the beliefs, the values and total way of life of the family that is dictated by family ethnicity, race or tribe.While presenting this system, Bronfenbrenner (1994:40) submits that Macrosystem consists of the overarching pattern of micro-, meso-, and exosystems characteristics of a given culture or subculture, with particular reference to the belief systems, bodies of knowledge, material resources, customs, life-styles, opportunity structures, hazards, and life course options that are embedded in each of these broader systems.The macrosystem may be thought of as a societal blueprint for a particular culture or subculture.
It is clear from this submission that macrosystem is all about the culture and total way of life of people wherein the child is born and living.The argument of ecological system theory is that cultural practices, indigenous knowledge and beliefs of a given society influence the development of the children in such a society.This paper, therefore, posits that there will be problems with the development of those children who are being exposed to alien culture through education in the formative years.
Whenever the discussion on the influence of culture on holistic development is staged, one cannot but mention the principle of Developmentally Appropriate Practices (DAP) developed by the National Association of Education of Young Children (National Association for the Education of Young Children, 2009:10).This association presents one of the three sides to DAP called "context appropriate" as referring to: The values, expectations, and behavioural and linguistic conventions that shape children's lives at home and in their communities that practitioners must strive to understand in order to ensure that learning experiences in the program or school are meaningful, relevant, and respectful for each child and family.
In other words, it is developmentally inappropriate to expose children to learning experiences and cultural practices that are not found within the people in the community where they live or are foreign to their society.This again points to the justification of the process of injecting African cultural practices into the educational systems in all African societies as being germane.

Objectives of the study
The main objective of this paper is to determine the potentiality of SGBs as a major way by which decolonisation of school systems could be achieved which could bring about relevant and functional education that will ensure sustainable development in Africa.Specifically, the study aims to achieve the following objectives: i. Examine the composition of SGBs as a source of indigenous knowledge needed for decolonising the South African education system and at the same time ensuring sustainable development.
ii. Determine the extent to which the SGBs possess and maintain indigenous cultural practices in their operations.
iii.Examine the authority of SGBs in providing indigenous knowledge and maintaining discipline in the school system.

Research questions
In order to guide the focus of this study, some themes that guided the data collected and the analysis of the data were generated (Ratcliff n.d.).The themes are: i. What is the composition of SGBs and its potential as sources of indigenous knowledge meant for decolonisation of education for sustainable development in the South African school system?
ii.How can SGB members be a group that possess and maintain indigenous cultural practices in the process of governing schools?
iii.To what extent do SGB members possess authority when it comes to the provision of indigenous knowledge in the school system for decolonisation?iv.How will discipline be maintained with the introduction of indigenous knowledge into the school system through SGBs?

Methodology
This study adopted one of the qualitative approaches known as the ethnographic approach.This approach was necessary as the study aimed to describe respondents' life experiences in school governance and manners in which they gave meaning to the influence of culture to their school governance participation (Fouche & Schurink, 2011).Furthermore, the approach was relevant as the study aimed to give meanings to a human phenomenon, from a multiple social and historical meanings of individual.Creswell (2007:18) asserts that in qualitative research, knowledge is based upon constructed perspectives from multiple social and historical meanings of individual experiences.Ethnography, on the other hand, is a strategy of investigation in which the researcher studies an intact cultural group in a natural setting over a prolonged period of time by gathering data through observation and interviews (Creswell, 2009).
Three rural-based Eastern Cape communities participated in the study.A total number of 18 parents were involved, with 12 females and 6 male parents.The majority of the participants -12 -were members of the School Governing Bodies (SGBs) in their respective schools, while the remaining six members were concerned stakeholders of education in the communities.Relevant ethical clearances were obtained from appropriate authorities, the consents of the participants were sought using consent forms and rules and regulations of research ethics, as applicable to the province, were strictly adhered to (Sotuku & Duku, 2015).
In line with the research approach adopted, an interview schedule was used as the main instrument to collect rich data on participants' lived experiences about school governance participation and observations.This is done through key informant interviews (KII) and focus group discussions (FGD).KII was done by meeting the selected participants, booking a date with them and carrying out the interview on the scheduled data.However, FGD was done when the SGBs were meeting in their respective schools.The researchers seized the opportunity of the meeting to carry out the interview with the parent members of SGBs only.Data collected were analysed through content analysis.Ratcliff (n.d.) submits that in content analysis, the document, text or speech is examined to see what themes emerge or to determine what the participants talk about the most.Therefore, the analysis is done based on the identified themes.

Composition of SGBs: Potential sources of indigenous knowledge meant for decolonisation of education for sustainable development in the South African school system
In all the sites, more women than men served as SGB members, as "the economically active men were migrant labourers in cities such as Johannesburg and Cape Town," this accounted for more women among the SGB participants to this study (8 out of 12).Women in such contexts were reportedly left behind to "keep the fires burning," being a "home maker" is regarded as a woman's traditional identity.Such women are custodians of knowledge, most importantly, indigenous knowledge for them to represent their community in the school system, where all the children are to be educated.Several literatures have presented African women as custodians of indigenous knowledge in all ramifications of life (Akpabio & Akankpo, 2003;Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, 2005;Seleti & Tihompho, 2014).
In traditional African culture, women are assigned the role of child upbringing while the men are to maintain discipline.This must have accounted for women's knowledge of type of education, the nature of content to be exposed to children, the kind of relationship children are expected to keep with peers and adults and what determines an intelligent child.
Another aspect of the SGB composition that is worth examining here is the marital status of the members.Marital status seemed to be one of the main determining criteria for SGB membership.Their unmarried counterparts seem isolated and ostracised.The majority of men were also married (80%).A typical experience of a single female was captured in the following comment: "I do not consider myself qualified to attend parent meetings… I am not married…my parents are the active ones in these things…this is what is socially expected."All the respondents reported that it was unanimously decided in the meetings that only married women be elected and that married women were generally regarded as "trustworthy, respectful and respected" community members.Again, being married gives the members of the SGBs an added experience in childrearing practices and home management in the family, which is seen as the social unit of the society (Seleti & Tihompho, 2014).
Again, traditional leadership seemed to be a dominant feature of school governance membership and participation in all three sites, particularly in one site.Three elderly men, who had links with traditional leadership, viewed their participation in school governance as a "birth right".Showing how this identity could be mixed with that of modernity, one man also defined his participation in terms of his educational qualifications.A key factor for him was according to Section 21 status by the government to all the Eastern Cape secondary schools, which he believed, for his village, would not have been possible, without his participation and guidance.In the latter village, the traditional leadership institution was used to promote and enforce community participation in school governance.In the assignment of school governance, the presence of traditional leaders is a symbol of maintenance of culture, traditions, norms and beliefs of the people.Khunou (2009) submits that the institution of traditional leadership embodies the preservation of culture, traditions, customs and values of a given society.This component of the SGBs makes it strong as the source of indigenous knowledge that can be injected into the school system in order to decolonise the system.Sustaining women, married individuals and traditional leaders as membership in SGBs cannot be a problem in an African society.This in other words means that sustainability of indigenous knowledge in the school system if decolonisation and the consequential development are achieved can be sustained.

SGB members as a group that possesses and maintains indigenous cultural practices in the process of governing schools
It is evident in the findings of this study that SGB members show much regard for African cultural practices in their interactions and undertakings.For instance, in debates in meetings, women used proxy agency to win, that is, men who had power to act on their behalf to get the outcomes they (women) desired.This is because of the African tradition that sees an intelligent and cultured woman as the one who is submissive and shows respect for men.
The in-betweenness of the space seemed to be more traditional than modern.Women also reportedly kept quiet in meetings because that was socially expected; however, they made sure that they "could not be silenced" by using any available opportunity to air their views.
To some men, female single parenthood was a "…reflection of unruliness…they [single women] are disobedient as they do not have husbands to respect and therefore cannot participate."These accounts reflect the powerful influence of African traditions that are still upheld even in this democratic world.
It also reveals the changing conception of tradition, which produces and reproduces itself in the midst of an ever-changing historical context.Tshivhase's popularity, to emphasise the point, does not depend solely on his traditional leadership stature, but more so on his innovative policy with respect to land and development.Africans believe in the power of child upbringing because of the fact that children are considered as the "staff in the hand of blind man" to the parents at old age.The SGB members demonstrated this in their level of seriousness to ensure that all the children in the communities go to school every day.In the reported "Red Village", the SGB Chairperson reportedly "forced" children to go to school, and sometimes "fined" mothers who gave their daughters domestic chores that prevented them from attending school.This is another example of how the SGB members have been ensuring that tradition harmoniously exists side by side with modernity.

Authority of SGB members regarding the provision of indigenous knowledge in the school system for decolonisation
In an African society, most of the power and authority to control the society is accorded to the traditional leaders and the subjects hold them in high esteem and hardly challenge their authority, especially specially when such a leader is seen to be a lover of justice (Khunou, 2009).
In the context of this research, traditional leadership seemed to be a dominant feature of school governance membership and participation in all three sites, particularly in one site.In village 1, the traditional leadership institution was used to promote and enforce community participation in school governance.Here the Village Councillor was co-opted to the SGB specifically to represent the Great Place.An SGB educator viewed this as "a strategic move in exercising authority in the broader communities, as the villagers recognised and respected traditional institutions more".
In village 2, the Chief was unhappy that the Department of Basic Education did not accord traditional leadership the respect it deserves.He reported that the government only uses them as mediators.He, however, believes that traditional leaders have so much to offer.He reported: We could mainstream school agenda in our community meetings, so that education is truly a community affair.I hear them talk about school violence.If I was involved we could mobilise the same strategies used in the community to fight violence and crime.What is strange is that the learners and the teachers belong to the community, when they break the law at home or in the village, the parents send them to me to warn and advise them.
The mainstreaming of school issues was observed during a community meeting in village 3, where the Great Place has a representation in the SGB.This would assist to mainstream school issues within the Community Agenda; in that way, school is not divorced from the community it serves.This almost concurs with Fokwang's (2003) study, which demonstrates how post-1994 South African Venda subjects honoured their traditional leader, Chief Tshivhase, despite the rejection of traditional leaders by many South African subjects elsewhere.His subjects felt that he epitomised their hopes and aspirations, and provided a shield for them against the market-driven policies of the local authorities.He decided, for example, to back his subjects in their refusal to pay for services not received.This links with Lopes (1996) who identifies tradition as a major dimension of defence against the most aggressive aspects of the imported models.
In Chief Tshivhase context, he also successfully stood up to the Demarcation Board's attempt to take control of accessible land in rural areas.This study begins to respond to Oomen's question on the support given to traditional leadership (Oomen, 2002:3).Significantly, the cited characteristics of Tshivhase did not only bring him popularity as a political leader who was sensitive to his followers' needs, but also respect fit for a traditional leader.
The experiences from this study have demonstrated that the SGB members, as now constituted, has power and authority to make things happen in their communities.But there used to be a set of individuals in the African society that has not been recognised in the SGB membership, that is, the most recognised knowledgeable individual (RKI) who, most of the time, might not be membered by some of the leaders and might not be so wealthy, but is the custodian of the indigenous knowledge.If RKIs in the community are made the members of the SGB, the authority to knowledge, which can be used to decolonise education, is certain.

Maintenance of discipline with the introduction of indigenous knowledge into the school system through SGBs
Africans have a strong belief in discipline, more especially on the younger ones.This can be found in one of the African witty sayings that "omo taa ko, tao ko, l'oma gb'ele taa ko ta" (A child we refused to train will sell the house we built).This philosophy is also evident in the practices of SGB members studied.For instance, the uncooperative parents (those who did not attend school meetings, pay building funds, and other offences) "were fined by the Great Place, which included tribute of an ox or being prevented from ploughing for a season".The threat of a "fine" may be equated with Mamdani's (1996) analogy of "a clenched fist", which he used to describe the authority of the traditional leaders.
The case in "Red Village" earlier reported about the SGB Chairperson ensuring that children go to school even when force has to be applied and making those parents who engage their children during school hours pay for such acts.These are examples of how the SGB exercises authority to discipline parents as well as the younger ones in the community in order to make them fit as members of that community.
There are cases of maintaining discipline among members of the SGB.For example, a younger female member reflects how she used to maintain discipline while in the meeting.She sometimes exercised agency: "I tell what I want to say to an old woman next to me and ask her to say it on my behalf".In another instance, women reportedly kept quiet in meetings because that was socially expected; however, they made sure that they "could not be silenced" by using any available opportunity to air their views.Proxy agency, even in the case of age, gender and marital status, seemed to be a strategy that is widely used.
SGB members can also exercise their level of discipline extending even to the homes of the learners in some instance.In the case on village 1, one of the traditional leaders claims, "If I was involved we could mobilise the same strategies used in the community to fight violence and crime.What is strange is that the learners and the teachers belong to the community, when they break the law at home or in the village, the parents send them to me to warn and advise them…" Therefore, maintenance of discipline is already built-in with the composition of the SGB and this will assure the sustainability of the indigenous knowledge and practices, if the decolonisation is achieved.

Conclusion
In the quest to decolonise education in Africa and South Africa in particular, the question of "how" and "by whom" is still unanswered.This article attempted to shed light on a plausible way through which this can be achieved, which is through using the strength already built into the school system -the SGBs.In the study, four important features of SGBs emerged that make it a body that cannot be ignored when it comes to a successful decolonisation of the educational system.The first is that the body is a potential source of indigenous knowledge and culture (IKC), secondly, members of SGBs possess and maintain IKC, thirdly, this body has authority built in it, which the entire community respects and lastly, the body has strategies to maintain discipline.Therefore, this paper has presented SGBs as a viable source of indigenous knowledge (as part of what to teach), as a management strategy and as being capable of ensuring the sustainability of decolonised education.

Recommendations
Based on the findings of this study, the following recommendations are proffered to enhance the maximum utilisation of SGBs to achieve the decolonisation of education in South Africa: • The composition of the members of SGBs should statutorily include a recognised knowledgeable individual (RKI) in the community.This individual could be more than one person, of any gender, marital or socio-economic status but unanimously identified as having knowledge of indigenous knowledge and culture (IKC) more than any other person has.This will strengthen the body as a source of IKC.
• The Department of Education needs to establish a provincial committee, comprising education scholars in the province, which will work closely with SGBs to harvest those IKC that must be incorporated into the formal education system as part of the content of the curriculum.
• The mode of operation of SGBs must statutorily be rooted in African traditional ways and deliberately eliminate foreign practices that are regarded harmful or contradict African ways of life.